There are hundreds of cities and counties involved in the mass opioid litigation being hammered out in Ohio. But not all of the lawyers who are bringing these actions want in on the cases consolidated there in the federal district court before Judge Polster.
For example, Pegi Block wishes them the best. But for now, the Houston prosecutor has no interest in joining their effort.
Harris County Texas, where Block is an assistant county attorney, sued opioid manufacturers and drug distributors in December, alleging – like other plaintiffs around the country – that they flooded communities with addictive painkillers while downplaying the risk of the medications.
But the county, the country’s third largest, is fighting to keep its case in state court and separate from the so-called multidistrict litigation being overseen by a federal judge in Cleveland.
“The damages were incurred here,” Block said in an interview at the county attorney’s Houston offices. “We believe that our judge, our county, our juries in Harris County not only have the right, but that they should be the ones to decide the fate of this lawsuit. This is where it happened.”
Harris County is one of at least two dozen counties, cities, and towns pursuing cases in state court apart from the national litigation.
They are drawn to the local judges and juries in their home courts, experts say, and fear getting lost in the crowd of plaintiffs in the national case, particularly if claims brought by states are eventually going to be considered in a global settlement.
But there are risks, too, including a loss of influence in negotiating that potential settlement and a lack of resources to wage a legal battle against deep-pocketed defendants.
Many of the defendants – which include opioid manufacturers, distributors, and pharmacies – would rather wage the battle in one court. But they face an ever-growing legal barrage, as public officials at all levels of government aim to wring money from the companies and show their constituents that they are fighting an addiction crisis killing tens of thousands of people each year.
There are many other suits around the country. About a dozen states have filed their own cases, and some Native American tribes have sought to keep cases in state or tribal courts.
In Louisiana, an attorney has filed a class-action lawsuit on behalf of children born with neonatal abstinence syndrome, which occurs when babies are exposed to opioids during pregnancy.
In Kentucky, two rural health clinics have sued drug makers in federal court. More than 40 state attorneys general are also investigating prescription opioid players but have not filed a suit.
“Generally speaking, counties would prefer to be in state court, but they can only be in state court where there’s a jurisdictional basis to be in state court,” said Paul Hanly, one of the plaintiffs’ attorneys negotiating the MDL, who is also representing Connecticut municipalities and New York counties suing in their respective state courts.
There are strategic issues at play as well, experts say. Suing in state court means local officials are more likely to get familiar judges who know firsthand how a given place has been affected by the opioid crisis. And some officials think they might be able to get ahead of the national litigation – so they can either get a separate settlement or go to trial before a global settlement is reached. Already, a trial date has been set for May 2019 in a state case brought by Oklahoma.